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Nothing Less Than War: A New History of America's Entry into World War I (Studies in Conflict, Diplomacy and Peace), by Justus D. Doenecke
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When war broke out in Europe in 1914, political leaders in the United States were swayed by popular opinion to remain neutral; yet less than three years later, the nation declared war on Germany. In Nothing Less Than War: A New History of America's Entry into World War I, Justus D. Doenecke examines the clash of opinions over the war during this transformative period and offers a fresh perspective on America's decision to enter World War I.
Doenecke reappraises the public and private diplomacy of President Woodrow Wilson and his closest advisors and explores in great depth the response of Congress to the war. He also investigates the debates that raged in the popular media and among citizen groups that sprang up across the country as the U.S. economy was threatened by European blockades and as Americans died on ships sunk by German U-boats.
The decision to engage in battle ultimately belonged to Wilson, but as Doenecke demonstrates, Wilson's choice was not made in isolation. Nothing Less Than War provides a comprehensive examination of America's internal political climate and its changing international role during the seminal period of 1914–1917.
- Sales Rank: #1251718 in Books
- Brand: Brand: The University Press of Kentucky
- Published on: 2011-03-08
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.25" h x 1.38" w x 6.13" l, 1.65 pounds
- Binding: Hardcover
- 432 pages
- Used Book in Good Condition
From Publishers Weekly
Starred Review. This splendidly perceptive history is also an exercise in nostalgia for an era when Americans debated a war before the president launched one rather than afterward. A University of South Florida emeritus history professor, Doenecke (Storm on the Horizon: The Challenge to American Intervention, 1939–1941) writes that Americans greeted Germany's 1914 invasion of Belgium with horrified fascination, but with little sense of foreboding. Most citizens and President Woodrow Wilson favored the Allies, but wanted to remain neutral. Doenecke recounts how this feeling gradually changed over two and a half years in response to Germany's self-defeating actions, the foremost being the new submarine warfare, which, raising fears for the safety of passenger ships, was viewed by many as no less ghastly than terrorism is today. Doenecke paints intriguing portraits of leading figures, many now obscure, including Franklin Delano and Theodore Roosevelt and William Jennings Bryan, plus the rich stew of newspapers, magazines, organizations, diplomats, and propagandists who fought (occasionally literally) over this issue. 35 photos. (Apr.)
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Review
"Nothing Less Than War combines careful attention to diplomacy with an excellent consideration of politics and public opinion. It is superb in detail, and even scholars well versed in the field will learn things they didn't know before."―John Milton Cooper Jr., author of Woodrow Wilson: A Biography
"Doenecke untangles and clarifies the national debate in great detail in this dense, well-documented study. It will be of great use to serious students and researchers of the Great War."―Library Journal
"Justus Doenecke's impressive new study of President Woodrow Wilson's attempt to keep the United States out of the Great War by maintaining American neutrality from 1914 to 1917 is a substantial contribution to historical scholarship. It offers three major
contributions: first, an excellent depiction of public opinion during these years as expressed by the press and by leaders in Congress and various national organizations; second, a comprehensive review of historical scholarship, which is integrated into the narrative throughout the chapters; and third, a clear assessment of Wilson's leadership within this framework."―Lloyd Ambrosius, author of Wilsonianism: Woodrow Wilson and His Legacy in American Foreign Relations
"Nothing Less Than War is a thoughtful look at America's entry into World War I. Based on impressive research, it carries the reader back to a very different time, reassesses the wide-ranging debate over the war in Europe, and provides a stimulating re-examination of the strengths and weaknesses of Woodrow Wilson's leadership."―Charles Neu
"Justus Doenecke has written a model of judicious scholarship. Historians and nonhistorians alike will profit from reading his informed and insightful account of a pivotal period in American diplomatic history."―George Nash, author of of the The Life of Herbert Hoover: The Humanitarian, 1914-1917.
"Justus Doenecke has written a fine, authoritative study of America's flawed struggle for neutrality in the First World War―and the first comprehensive re-examination of the subject in more than a generation."―Thomas Knock, author of To End All Wars: Woodrow Wilson and the Quest for a New World Order
"Thorough, thoughtful, pointed, and wise, this sprightly, sometimes wry account covers familiar material with fresh insight and commendably a sense of irony. A splendid read for anyone with an interest in Wilson and the war."―Mark Gilderhus, author of Pan American Visions: Woodrow Wilson and the Western Hemisphere, 1913-1921, Mark Gilderhus, author of Pan American Visions: Woodrow Wilson and the Western Hemisphere, 1913-1921
"The entry of the United States into World War I is a very complicated event because of its extraordinarily multiple origins, because of the enormous and overwhelming mass of propaganda enveloping it, and because of the strange character of President Wilson. Professor Doenecke's acquaintance and understanding of these difficult events and circumstances is long-standing, and his present reconstruction and narrative of what led to April 1917 is very valuable."―John Lukacs, author of The Legacy of the Second World War
"Long a highly influential author on Americans' entry into the Second World War, Doenecke has now produced a superb, beautifully researched, and carefully argued account that should become a standard on the United States entering into World War I―a historical dividing line marking the transformation of America from a great continental power into the greatest of world powers. There is here a galaxy of fascinating characters, but at the center is President Woodrow Wilson, who has now become perhaps the most controversial leader in the nation's history. Quoting often from the leading writers of the past eighty years who have shaped our views of 1914-1917, Doenecke has simply subsumed them in an inclusive account that deserves a wide audience, including college classes."―Walter LaFeber, author of The American Age: U.S. Foreign Policy at Home and Abroad since 1750
"Doenecke paints intriguing portraits of leading figures, many now obscure, including Franklin Delano and Theodore Roosevelt and William Jennings Bryan, plus the rich stew of newspapers, magazines, organizations, diplomats, and propagandists who fought over this issue."―Publisher Weekly (starred review)
"Doenecke delivers a vivid, opinionated and surprisingly recognizable account of American public affairs a century ago. . . . This is an excellent history."―Military History
"Doenecke leads readers through the pitfalls of the political landscape―the pros and cons of intervention, the Wilsonian effort at neutrality, and the issues that ultimately led to the US entry into WWI."―Choice
"This book is an excellent history of how America enters WWI on the side of England & France."―Those that Can't Write
"Doenecke has produced what should become the standard on the United States' entry into World War I, transforming her from a great continetal power into a greater world power. This is a highly readable account filled with fascinating portraits of the luminaries of the day."―The Past in Review
"Skillyfully traces the intricate policy decisions and machinations of Wilson and his inner cadre."―Military Review
"Doenecke doubtless portrays accurately how the American public regarded the European conflict before 1917."―Journal of American History
"Doenecke's account is well-argued, well-researched, and well-written... [it] is a fine addition to the ongoing discussion of the First World War."―Oxford University Press
"Future writers will greatly be in his debt."―The Historian
About the Author
Justus D. Doenecke, professor emeritus of history at New College of Florida, is the author of ten books. His book, Storm on the Horizon: The Challenge to American Intervention, 1939–1941, won the 2001 Herbert Hoover Presidential Library Award for the best book on any topic in American history from 1914 to 1964.
Most helpful customer reviews
10 of 12 people found the following review helpful.
Very good in many ways ... but one caveat ... or more
By S. J. Snyder
UPDATE: First, Amazon, thank you for letting us adjust our starring levels. I've knocked this down to a four-star, and am not 100 percent sure about even that.
Reading Walter Karp's The Politics of War (the author was recommended by a commenter to this review), it now seems clear that, at least 18 months before we declared war on Germany, Woodrow Wilson was already doing everything he could to get us into that war, and to violate our civil liberties in the process. Given that Karp's book was written decades ago, Justus Doenecke must be scolded, at least, for failure to engage with the more vociferous of Wilson's critics.
That said, back to the initial review.
====
First, the very good.
Justus Doenecke gives the reader a tour de force of President Woodrow Wilson's political position vis-a-vis Congress, his Cabinet, etc. at Aug. 4, 1914, so we know just what he "brought to the table" when World War I not only started, but included Britain.
From there, he looks at Wilson's diplomatic actions and comments toward both the UK and Germany, namely on Britain's extended blockade and Germany's submarine warfare. He details how Wilson worked hard to carefully maintain not only the letter of neutrality, but the spirit of it -- or, at least, Wilson's interpretation of the spirit. (I'll be getting to that caveat later.)
At the same time, he shows how Wilson was ill-served by three advisers, including two secretaries of state. The first of those was William Jennings Bryan, a naive idealist who got the role as a political favor. The second was Bryan's No. 2, moved up when the Great Commoner resigned over Wilson's seeming hardcore stance on Germany after the Lusitania. Doenecke details how Lansing, on multiple occasions, in dealing with Britain, Germany or both, deliberately undercut his boss to try to draw the US closer to the UK and even to provoke Germany into war. The third ill-serving person was private citizen "Colonel" House, who had a mix of a certain degree of bumbling, a certain degree of misinterpretation of both sides' comments, and, while not as extreme as Lansing, a certain desire to pull the US and UK together.
Against this? The backdrop of a Congress than not only included German (and Irish) "isolationists," but many Easterners who disliked Britain's blockade by extension (before the UK started having to pay more and more for more and more US goods), in part on fears that Britain hoped to extend its domination of international trade in a postwar world. So, even the Senator Lodges of the world, while Anglophiles, weren't in the British back pocket yet in, say, 1915.
Add in the fact that the U.S. had just been coming out of a recession, and the initial Eastern fear of British economic power grab, and the later willingness to turn more of a blind eye to the British blockade by extension of Germany, because of how much US goods it, and France, were buying, becomes more understandable.
Finally, besides refusing to rein in Lansing, Wilson himself, a Ph.D. professor of government at Princeton, comes off as somewhat naive, and occasionally bumbling, himself, in foreign policy.
So, the waters in which Wilson was swimming, and his swimming skills, were far less simplistic than a general U.S. history textbook will tell us.
But, there's that caveat. Setting aside Lansing, before Germany took a pass on responding to Wilson's Dec. 1916 mediation speech, then announced it would resume unrestricted sub warfare, adn topped it all by Foreign Secretary Zimmerman's telegram to Mexico encouraging it to ally in a possible war against the US, what WAS Wilson's stance toward Britain/France, versus Germany, as far as a possible go-to-war alliance? And, related to that, despite his bumbling, could Wilson have done better diplomatically, than he actually did, to preserve the spirit and letter of neutrality alike?
Near the end of the book, Doenecke says Wilson was once asked the first question, and without saying how far he leaned that way, indicated that at the start of the war, he was pro-British. That should have led Doenecke to try some historical analysis on the second question, but he didn't.
As for me, I think the answer is clear enough that, whether deliberately or not, but NOT just for reasons of bumbling on his or his subordinates' part, Wilson could have done more on neutrality, especialy the British extended blockade, than he actually did. (Update: And it's clear he wanted to do just what he did.)
And, so, while Germany has much responsibility, Woodrow Wilson is also responsible for the United States getting involved in World War I. Period.
Read the book for yourself ... take that next step past Doenecke and make your own judgment.
6 of 7 people found the following review helpful.
America walks onto the world's stage
By James W. Durney
Woodrow Wilson is president, Europe is embroiled in WWI and America is a very different nation, almost a foreign land unrecognizable to us. For any book about WWI, capturing that America is difficult but required. If they fail, the book creates more questions than providing answers. This book captures that America and effortlessly explains its' ideals, attitudes, fears and needs. While America is the focus, we get a good view of England, France and Germany too.
As we follow the progression from Peace to War, the author tells us about the forces pulling America in each direction. At the center is Woodrow Wilson, grieving over the death of his first wife, finding his second wife, working on reelection even as his health starts to fail. Wilson is an odd mix of idealism and real politics. Much of the time, he reacts to events without trying to control them. The majority of Americans do not want war. If America were forced into the war, a large part of the population would rather fight England. America watches Japan, Germany and England with a mix of fear and anger. Germany is the most provocative. England, fighting for her life, is more than willing to bend the law. The English blockade is starving Germans and forcing unrestricted submarine warfare as their only real option. Japan is both feared and loathed. Orientals challenging whites for control of the Pacific is not acceptable given the racism of the times. America is not a military power. The system that has worked for 140 years is falling apart in the modern world. Oceans are no longer real protection, national army's approach a million men, modern ships and airplanes are among the things America lacks.
America has factories. America has raw materials to feed the factories. America has the ability to loan millions of dollars to fund modern war. Both sides need access to America. England and France have that access and fill the Atlantic with ships carrying American food and products to their ports. Germany has the U-boat and must stop those ships. America insists on the Right's of Neutrals to trade with both sides while trading with one. Many things broke down during WWI. One of them was maritime law regarding neutrals and belligerents. Laws written in the late 1800s were useless in the 1900s.
The author lays out the situation of the major players making us understand their problems and needs. After that, we get a tour of America on the eve of WWI. The large German-American population, foreign born or first generation has ties to Germany. The large Irish-American population is anti-British. Most of the Midwest wants no foreign involvement. The Far West looks at Japan as the enemy and cares little about Europe.
This book is an excellent history of how America enters WWI on the side of England & France. Year by year, incident by incident the book follows the path ends in war. The author does an excellent job of explaining the issues, personalities and reality of their world.
This scholarly work is very readable and enjoyable!
3 of 3 people found the following review helpful.
An Unexpected Treat
By J. Michael Vice
An exceptional book and highly recommended. Doesn't deal at all with America IN the war, but only the run-up to April 6, 1917.
Especially thorough treatment of Wilson's concern about neutral rights, including the friction between the U.S. and Britain over the British blockade and intercepting our ships and confiscating cargoes destined for other neutral nations. True, some of those cargoes were intended to be transshipped to Germany, in a violation of neutrality, but not all of them. And British "blacklisting" of some of our shippers was particularly galling to Wilson. Were you aware that British warships intercepted some American cargoes in the Caribbean, en route between the U.S. and Central America? I certainly wasn't!
I take exception to the comments of another reader/reviewer, who accused Wilson of "trying to get us into the war for two years before he actually accomplished it." Nonsense! That would place his sneaky efforts all the way back to the sinking of the Lusitania and even slightly before. Wilson was truly a peacemaker, though a flawed one who leaned too heavily on his advisors, especially the semi-Anglophile Col. House. He may have been a good President, but he was a lousy reader of others' characters. If this were not so--that he truly wanted to keep us out of war--why would he expend so much political capital in pronouncing that we were "too proud to fight," even after the furor over the sinking of the Lusitania? With this incident in his pocket, given that he was such an exceptional orator, he could surely have convinced Congress to declare war, had he desired to do so.
All this and more the book describes fully. Again, highly recommended.
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